Italians face post-Berlusconi era as PM resigns from office
Some rejoiced, some cried, but controversial and colourful prime minister will be remembered mostly for his failures
guardian.co.uk, Saturday 12 November 2011 23.15 GMT
A fake copy of Time magazine mocking Berlusconi is held aloft outside the prime minister's official residence in Rome. Photograph: Gabriel Bouys/AFP
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Accustomed to fawning crowds and acolytes, Silvio Berlusconi was said to be "embittered" as angry crowds pursued him through the streets of Rome, yelling "Thief" and "Mafioso" as he headed to hand in his resignation to President Giorgio Napolitano.
A crowd of 5,000 filled the elegant cobbled piazza outside the presidential Quirinale palace, pinned back by police as they belted out the national anthem. A choral group joined the crowd to sing the hallelujah chorus from Handel's Messiah, as other protesters, drawn to the piazza by alerts on Facebook from as far away as Milan, arrived with champagne and glasses.
As Berlusconi's car arrived, the crowd surged through police lines chanting "buffoon, buffoon" and holding mobile phones aloft to snatch a picture of the soon to be ex-premier. Coins flew through the air, a repeat of the coin throwing at former prime minister Bettino Craxi in 1993, just before he fled to Tunisia to escape corruption charges.
"This is a historic moment," said Stefania Marturano, 36. "We are finally freeing ourselves from a cancer which had polluted Italy. There is so much happiness here."
Having dominated Italian politics for almost two decades, Silvio Berlusconi was often accused of making promises but failing to deliver. So when the 75-year-old promised to resign on Tuesday, many rolled their eyes in disbelief. "It just seemed like Berlusconi's usual game of saying one thing and doing another, which he is a master at," said Sergio Rizzo, columnist at the Italian daily newspaper Corriere della Sera. But with the passing of an austerity law package in the lower house of parliament, the path was clear for Berlusconi to fulfil his pledge.
Italy has been slowly getting used to the departure of the colourful and controversial prime minister, media mogul and billionaire. As they emerged into the post-Berlusconi era of cutbacks and austerity, many were wondering why millions had repeatedly voted into office a man hampered by conflicts of interest, constant battles with the courts and a habit of admiring female world leaders for more than just their diplomacy.
"He told us what we wanted to hear, but that is no way to raise kids or nations," said author and commentator Beppe Severgnini. "Italy is now like a reformed alcoholic, we have drunk too much populist booze and need a doctor to tell us to quit."
Adolfo Urso, a former under-secretary in Berlusconi's government, added: "He dreamed a dream which did not come true and promised reforms he did not make."
Rizzo said Berlusconi had built consensus by saying what Italians thought, but did not have the courage to say: "When he said don't pay taxes if they get too high, we were ashamed but in private many agreed."
The price was acquiescence to Berlusconi's personal management of the country. Having promised to run his political party and Italy just as he ran his business empire, the self-made mogul delivered on this assurance, but a nation paid the price.
Italians who voted for Berlusconi in 1994, 2001 and 2008 have been quick to say they were not fooled by empty promises. "Thanks to tax breaks he introduced, I have more money to retire on, it's that simple," said Cesidia Fosca, a 69-year-old housewife from Rome. "I like Berlusconi, I voted for him, but he had the press and the magistrates against him and they didn't let him govern."
With his control of three private channels and behind-the-scenes string-pulling at public network RAI, airing of any criticism was restricted to other outlets. "Just before Berlusconi's ally, Gianni Alemanno, stood for election as mayor of Rome in 2008, Berlusconi's TV talked of nothing but the violence in the capital," said Gianfranco Mascia, a key figure in Italy'sIndignados protest movement. "Now things are really bad, with regular shootouts, and there is not a word about it. Have you actually seen the state news broadcasts recently? Italians with no internet have very little idea of how the world views Berlusconi."
Berlusconi's image was polished by Augusto Minzolini, head of Italy's main news programme, who has the on-screen charm of a James Bond villain and regularly delivered monologues from a book-lined office during the nightly news, most recently haranguing Berlusconi's renegade MPs for abandoning him.
"By claiming most of the press was communist, Berlusconi invoked a real sense of guilt at newspapers, and editors put everything he said straight on the front page to liberate themselves from that guilt," said Rizzo.
In contrast, much of Berlusconi's private life remained hidden, normal practice for Italy, except that he was beginning to treat state business as private business. Italians would learn by chance that their leader had left Rome to spend a cosy weekend with Vladimir Putin. The Russian prime minister was the first foreign leader to pay tribute to his old friend, describing him as "one of the last Mohicans of European politics".
Many will not miss him. "Berlusconi dragged public life into his private life," said Severgnini. The vast number of young women, advisers, even DJs, receiving huge sums meant his parties remained unreported until one prostitute, Patrizia D'Addario, went public. Magistrates began to probe Berlusconi's relationship with a teenage belly dancer, Karima El Mahroug.
Berlusconi's close media colleagues remained loyal last night. "I will follow Berlusconi to the end," said Emilio Fede, the TV anchor standing trial charged with supplying Berlusconi with prostitutes.
A senior Italian politician who held posts in Berlusconi's government said his hard partying with young women moved up a gear after the death of his mother Rosa – a huge influence in Berlusconi's life – aged 97 in 2008. But Mascia believes Berlusconi's male chauvinist bravura was indulged by Italians: "Leftwing friends of mine would giggle when discussing his antics, and we're talking underage girls here."
"Italy was sexist without him, but Berlusconi removed the shame," said Lorella Zanardo, whose documentary about primetime TV showgirls caused a sensation in 2009. "I give lectures in schools and meet 15-year-old girls who believe the secret to life is marrying a millionaire or becoming a showgirl and a government minister a year later. "
His final premiership may now be chiefly remembered for his inability or unwillingness to pass the crucial reforms that Italy needed to buck up its economy, preferring to use parliament to pass laws to benefit his companies and avoid jail.
"This time his defeat is more serious because people are really scared for their children," said Rizzo. "How many times did he tell us the worst was behind us?"
Some rejoiced, some cried, but controversial and colourful prime minister will be remembered mostly for his failures
guardian.co.uk, Saturday 12 November 2011 23.15 GMT
A fake copy of Time magazine mocking Berlusconi is held aloft outside the prime minister's official residence in Rome. Photograph: Gabriel Bouys/AFP
=================================================
Accustomed to fawning crowds and acolytes, Silvio Berlusconi was said to be "embittered" as angry crowds pursued him through the streets of Rome, yelling "Thief" and "Mafioso" as he headed to hand in his resignation to President Giorgio Napolitano.
A crowd of 5,000 filled the elegant cobbled piazza outside the presidential Quirinale palace, pinned back by police as they belted out the national anthem. A choral group joined the crowd to sing the hallelujah chorus from Handel's Messiah, as other protesters, drawn to the piazza by alerts on Facebook from as far away as Milan, arrived with champagne and glasses.
As Berlusconi's car arrived, the crowd surged through police lines chanting "buffoon, buffoon" and holding mobile phones aloft to snatch a picture of the soon to be ex-premier. Coins flew through the air, a repeat of the coin throwing at former prime minister Bettino Craxi in 1993, just before he fled to Tunisia to escape corruption charges.
"This is a historic moment," said Stefania Marturano, 36. "We are finally freeing ourselves from a cancer which had polluted Italy. There is so much happiness here."
Having dominated Italian politics for almost two decades, Silvio Berlusconi was often accused of making promises but failing to deliver. So when the 75-year-old promised to resign on Tuesday, many rolled their eyes in disbelief. "It just seemed like Berlusconi's usual game of saying one thing and doing another, which he is a master at," said Sergio Rizzo, columnist at the Italian daily newspaper Corriere della Sera. But with the passing of an austerity law package in the lower house of parliament, the path was clear for Berlusconi to fulfil his pledge.
Italy has been slowly getting used to the departure of the colourful and controversial prime minister, media mogul and billionaire. As they emerged into the post-Berlusconi era of cutbacks and austerity, many were wondering why millions had repeatedly voted into office a man hampered by conflicts of interest, constant battles with the courts and a habit of admiring female world leaders for more than just their diplomacy.
"He told us what we wanted to hear, but that is no way to raise kids or nations," said author and commentator Beppe Severgnini. "Italy is now like a reformed alcoholic, we have drunk too much populist booze and need a doctor to tell us to quit."
Adolfo Urso, a former under-secretary in Berlusconi's government, added: "He dreamed a dream which did not come true and promised reforms he did not make."
Rizzo said Berlusconi had built consensus by saying what Italians thought, but did not have the courage to say: "When he said don't pay taxes if they get too high, we were ashamed but in private many agreed."
The price was acquiescence to Berlusconi's personal management of the country. Having promised to run his political party and Italy just as he ran his business empire, the self-made mogul delivered on this assurance, but a nation paid the price.
Italians who voted for Berlusconi in 1994, 2001 and 2008 have been quick to say they were not fooled by empty promises. "Thanks to tax breaks he introduced, I have more money to retire on, it's that simple," said Cesidia Fosca, a 69-year-old housewife from Rome. "I like Berlusconi, I voted for him, but he had the press and the magistrates against him and they didn't let him govern."
With his control of three private channels and behind-the-scenes string-pulling at public network RAI, airing of any criticism was restricted to other outlets. "Just before Berlusconi's ally, Gianni Alemanno, stood for election as mayor of Rome in 2008, Berlusconi's TV talked of nothing but the violence in the capital," said Gianfranco Mascia, a key figure in Italy'sIndignados protest movement. "Now things are really bad, with regular shootouts, and there is not a word about it. Have you actually seen the state news broadcasts recently? Italians with no internet have very little idea of how the world views Berlusconi."
Berlusconi's image was polished by Augusto Minzolini, head of Italy's main news programme, who has the on-screen charm of a James Bond villain and regularly delivered monologues from a book-lined office during the nightly news, most recently haranguing Berlusconi's renegade MPs for abandoning him.
"By claiming most of the press was communist, Berlusconi invoked a real sense of guilt at newspapers, and editors put everything he said straight on the front page to liberate themselves from that guilt," said Rizzo.
In contrast, much of Berlusconi's private life remained hidden, normal practice for Italy, except that he was beginning to treat state business as private business. Italians would learn by chance that their leader had left Rome to spend a cosy weekend with Vladimir Putin. The Russian prime minister was the first foreign leader to pay tribute to his old friend, describing him as "one of the last Mohicans of European politics".
Many will not miss him. "Berlusconi dragged public life into his private life," said Severgnini. The vast number of young women, advisers, even DJs, receiving huge sums meant his parties remained unreported until one prostitute, Patrizia D'Addario, went public. Magistrates began to probe Berlusconi's relationship with a teenage belly dancer, Karima El Mahroug.
Berlusconi's close media colleagues remained loyal last night. "I will follow Berlusconi to the end," said Emilio Fede, the TV anchor standing trial charged with supplying Berlusconi with prostitutes.
A senior Italian politician who held posts in Berlusconi's government said his hard partying with young women moved up a gear after the death of his mother Rosa – a huge influence in Berlusconi's life – aged 97 in 2008. But Mascia believes Berlusconi's male chauvinist bravura was indulged by Italians: "Leftwing friends of mine would giggle when discussing his antics, and we're talking underage girls here."
"Italy was sexist without him, but Berlusconi removed the shame," said Lorella Zanardo, whose documentary about primetime TV showgirls caused a sensation in 2009. "I give lectures in schools and meet 15-year-old girls who believe the secret to life is marrying a millionaire or becoming a showgirl and a government minister a year later. "
His final premiership may now be chiefly remembered for his inability or unwillingness to pass the crucial reforms that Italy needed to buck up its economy, preferring to use parliament to pass laws to benefit his companies and avoid jail.
"This time his defeat is more serious because people are really scared for their children," said Rizzo. "How many times did he tell us the worst was behind us?"
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guardian.co.uk/world/2011/nov/13/italy-silvio-berlusconi-resignation-reaction?newsfeed=true
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