Sunday, August 15, 2010

Study Of The Conditions Of Women Affected By
Communal Violence In Kandhamal District, Orissa
By College of Social Work Nirmala Niketan - Synopsis
15 August, 2010

Introduction
There was an unprecedented spate of communal violence targeting the minority Christian community and their property and institutions in the Kandhamal district of the eastern state of Orissa that erupted twice within the span of nine months in December 2007 and August 2008. The second wave of anti-Christian violence launched by Hindu extremist groups in the name of retribution for the assassination of an icon of Hindu nationalism, Swami Laxmanananda Saraswati, and four of his disciples on August 23 lasted from August to December 2008. In Kandhamal district alone these attacks killed 93 people – including women, disabled persons and children, adivasis and dalits - mostly burnt alive or hacked to death. Three women were gang-raped and many injured. More than 6500 houses were burnt or plundered and some 350 churches and 45 educational facilities were destroyed, besides rendering more than 50,000 people homeless (Asianews, The Examiner, Vol 161, No.31, July 31,2010, Pg 25). About 25,000 people had to live in relief camps for months. During this period about 2,000 people belonging to minority communities were forced to convert from Christianity to Hinduism. More than 10,000 children had their education cut short because of displacements, fear and severe disruption. Barring a few townships, almost all villages in Kandhamal district were under the control of anti-social elements led by fundamentalist groups. Two years later many of the violence displaced people are still homeless or have not found a real home.
Rationale of the Study
In situations of conflict, it is understood the world over that women are more vulnerable than men. Armed conflict and uprootedness bring their own distinct forms of violence against women. Women, the silent, but worst sufferers of violence, had been exposed to all forms of attacks, harassments and suffering during and after the violence in Kandhamal. The condition of the affected women in Kandhamal after five months of the violence was studied by the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) and it was found that m any recommendations were made about improving the camps, for providing protection, compensation, etc. However, ‘ none of these prayers or recommendations specifically mentioned women or their rights….' (Wither Women's Rights? WILPF Report, May 2009)
In the light of the above, this research is an attempt to understand the background for and consequences of the violence with specific focus on women because in any conflict women are the worst sufferers. It examines ways in which women are affected by communal violence.
Objectives of the Study:
•  To understand the problems confronted by the women as a result of violence – forms of violence faced, perceived causes of violence, extent of violence, and impact of violence.
•  Analyse the response of the government and civil society to the problems of affected women
Methodology
This study made use of a mixed methodology drawing from both qualitative and quantitative methods. The sample size was 355 women respondents in the age group of 16yrs to 80yrs from across 68 villages in seven Talukas (Blocks) in Orissa's Kandhamal district. 355 interviews with the respondents, 8 Key informant interviews and 80 detailed case studies from among the respondents were prepared. Quantitative data was analysed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences ( SPSS ). The qualitative data was analysed using the various principles of qualitative research. Triangulation of both the qualitative and quantitative data was done to complete the final analysis report.
Major Findings
•  Socio Demographic Profile
  • More than half of the women interviewed were in the age group of 25 to 45 years, A majority were married, and having two to three children. Thus most women were in their most productive years shouldering the responsibilities of marriage and children.
  • More than half the women were illiterate and were homemakers or were engaged in agricultural labour and most of the women earned between Rs500 to Rs 1000 per month.
  • Of the 61 women headed households, 51 were headed by the women respondents. It was found that the largest number of 9 women became heads of their families two years ago thereby indicating that this could have been because they had lost their male household head to the violence that took place in August 2008.

•  Basic Amenities
  • A majority of the women had had voter ID cards and yellow ration cards, the latter indicating that they belonged to BPL families.
  • The women's sharings about their access to basic amenities only confirmed the abysmal development standards in Kandhamal district which were further depleted by the violence.
  • With regard to shelter, many women said that their houses had been partially or fully destroyed and all their assets being burned, looted or stolen.
  • Besides problems faced by the women with regard to the source of water and the distance from it, more difficult and painful, was dealing with discrimination in relation to access to the water source. In a few villages, Christians were not allowed to use the common village with villagers putting up a sign board ‘Christians are not allowed'. There were also instances of the well had being ‘poisoned' with petrol/diesel during the violence.
  • A majority did not have access to safe toilets which probably made them more vulnerable to abuse and exploitation and a majority live without electricity.
  • PHC 's were not always available in the village which meant that women especially during emergencies and pregnancy had to travel to the nearest health facility. Adding to the women's woes were the largely non existent female doctors.
  • Almost all women said their children had access to education. However what was disturbing was the discrimination that their children had begun facing ever since the violence had broken out. This ranged from being threatened by classmates not to attend school to the teachers being told not to allow Christian children into school to not being given admission to college easily and not being given a stipend because of their religion.
  • Many women said that as their churches had been destroyed in the violence, they had to use makeshift sites to worship. This was a direct attack on the Constitutionally protected fundamental right to choose or change as well as practice the religion of one's choice. Again, where religion and faith came across as being a very important part of the women's lives, there is a high likelihood that they were adversely affected.

III . Understanding Anxieties among Women
  • The data on violence experienced by women in Kandhamal during and after the conflict covered the whole gamut of violence reflected in the typology of violence against women and confirmed previously documented evidence that conflict situations and displacement bring their own distinct forms of violence against women.
  • The type of violence faced by women and girls in during and after the conflict included again included threats and verbal abuse, beating and/or maiming, burn injuries, killing of women and male family members, molestation in schools, rapes, attempt to rape, elopement, abduction and confinement. Threats to either convert to Hinduism or leave the village and a few were forced to convert to Hinduism and had done so out of fear
  • Most distressing was that most of the perpetrators were from the same village itself including members of the Gram Panchayat. They were mostly Hindus or Hindu Scheduled tribals while a few women recognized that they belonged to political outfits like the RSS, Bajrang Dal and the BJP. This probably led to a sense of betrayal felt by the victims and lead to a breakdown of relationships and suspicion among villagers.
  • The slogans shouted by the perpetrators like ‘ Jai Bajrangbali' ‘Jai Shri Ram', ‘Bharat Mata ki jai/ Vande Mataram' and ‘Christian Dharam nahi chalega/ kill Christians' confirmed that they were probably Hindu fundamentalists intent on attacking the Christians. It could also probably be concluded from the remarks of a few women that they were unable to understand the slogans used as they were in the Oriya language that some of the attackers were outsiders.
  • Anxiety levels were high, almost two years after the conflict. Feeling sad, a dominating fear for their lives and that of their children, stranger anxiety and feeling tense all the time and to a lesser but significant was being overcome sometimes by feelings of not wanting to live anymore and a sense of shame or embarrassment to speak to people now .

•  Impact of the Violence on Women
  • Various kinds of migration had occurred in the women's families as a consequence of the violence. While in some cases entire families were forced to flee, many stated that the male members of the family had migrated to other Indian towns and Cities. This seems evidently to find employment as the conflict had alienated them from their traditional occupations.
  • Contrary to fears that trafficking of girls and women was one of the adverse outcomes of this conflict, there did not seem to be any signs of this evil. Some girls had been sent away to boarding schools while a very negligible number had sent their girls to work with people whom they regarded as trustworthy. M ost families seemed to be in touch with their girls who were away from home or at least aware of their whereabouts. There was evidence that, there were groups and individuals, who, taking advantage of their social and economic vulnerability, attempted to lure women/girls away from their families. However, the findings indicated that probably their knowledge of such practices prevented that parents /women from giving in to such individuals.
  • Single / unmarried women, in addition to the problems they faced during conflict because of their gender, had to deal with loneliness, becoming dependant on others and facing threats from the perpetrators
  • The economic impact included loss of employment including NREGA work, loss of sources of livelihood like farming, cultivating rice and paddy , loss of their livestock/ cattle and loss of family businesses like dealing in turmeric, dry fish and leaf plate . The adverse impact of the violence on women's livelihoods lead to depression, a feeling of insecurity as no proper jobs were forthcoming and feeling afraid to move out for employment.
  • Feeling afraid to step out of their homes because of fear of the Hindus, being gripped by terror, depression, feelings of insecurity, anxiety about the future, stress, and loss of confidence were striking psychological after-effects.
  • Two years later almost half of the women say that the situation is still tense, violence can break out at anytime again, they were receiving threats from the villagers and so most people did not feel safe enough to return to their homes and villages and preferred to live in the safety of the camps. Nearly one third also said that people had returned to temporary homes and not their own homes in their villages.

•  Justice, Rehabilitation and Compensation
  • More than half of the women had not had a chance to share their feelings and problems with anyone since the conflict. It can only be imagined, the kind of psychological trauma and stress these women must be going through and the toll it must be taking on their physical health. This also shows the low priority accorded to mental health issues among victims of conflict.
  • When it came to whether women had received any assistance to cope with /fight /get justice both during and after the conflict, NGOs were at the forefront helping women victims of violence followed closely by religious leaders like p astors, priests and nuns and law enforcement agents such as the police, courts of law and CRPF.
  • Police complaints were lodged mainly by the men folk, but in some cases the women themselves had been the complainants themselves.
  • Many reported that an FIR had been lodged but to date no action has been taken while few said that their cases had been registered but no FIR had been filed. Twenty women said that the police refused to lodge an FIR and on the contrary that the police had verbally abused the complainants and in three cases the complainants themselves had been arrested.
  • Monetary compensation primarily for house damage was paid to one third of the women by the Central Government and to almost half the women by the State Government as per the compensation package officially announced..
  • NGOs like Jan Vikas assisted 57 women with mainly food items, clothes and house building material while others like Mana Foundation and Life Foundation provided compensation mainly in kind.

•  Problems Faced and Experiences of Women
  • Inspite of a total lack of basic amenities in the forests, heavy rain, threats of wild animals and treacherous terrain that was difficult for the elderly and pregnant women to navigate, the geographic locale of the region is conducive to protecting people hiding in the forests and hence almost all the women fled to the forest with their families in fear when the violence broke out.
  • Nearly 85 percent of the women lived in State Run relief camps for periods ranging from one to 18 months.
  • Problems like shortage of or no water facility at all, shortage of food, inadequate clothing and lack of proper shelter, inadequate sanitary supplies
  • A common living space for both men and women in the relief camps, some places having just two bathrooms without roofs for 5000 people and no toilet facilities as well meant a total lack of privacy for women.
  • Women suffered from many health related problems and to compound matters, often there was no female doctor available.
  • Pregnant women and new mothers faced ranged from no protection for these women, no assistance for them during their delivery to lack of clean drinking water, cases of miscarriage, premature deliveries, forced abortion and two cases where pregnant women had died in the camp – one because of a snake bite while in the forest and no special facilities for pregnant women who were suffering from malaria. Newborns had caught infections and in a few cases the child had died for want of treatment.
  • Physical and sexual abuse. A lack of security meant that women were beaten up, threatened and verbally abused by the men, harassed while filling water, younger girls were sexually exploited by policemen while they were bathing and nuns were harassed. Two instances of rape of girls were mentioned. In one case the girl, currently in hospital, attempted suicide by burning herself and the other girl had become pregnant after being raped and the police were trying to take advantage of her.
  • Other problems at the camp included lack of or inadequate sanitation facilities, unclean surroundings, continuous rain and mosquito menace. Some women reported that initially Hindus entered the camps, attacked and threatened the refugees and at Raikia, women were threatened while they were bathing highlighting inadequate security measures at the camp.
Conclusion
It was a poignant moment when the data collectors shared that most of the women they met as respondents, expressed that for the first time since the conflict started, someone had chosen to focus on women and the problems they had faced during and after the violence.
As has been evident throughout this study the violent conflict in Kandhamal, women are the silent sufferers in situations of conflict and displacement. What has been happening over the years in any conflict situation is that, whether it is the prosecution of crimes or recommendations made for protection and compensation of victims, there is no specific mention of women's needs - women specific demands are subsumed within general demands.
It is ironical that on the one hand there have been impressive developments at the international level with various declarations, treaties and statutes denouncing all forms of gender based violence against women and declaring that ‘Women's Rights are Human rights' while on the other hand this has had little effect on the occurrence of gender based violence which seems to have become synonymous with all contemporary conflict situations cutting across continent, country and community and where impunity is still the norm.
Therefore, it is high time that all governments, organizations and individuals made a comprehensive effort to ensure that women victims of violence during and after conflict receive full reparation. This means rehabilitation, including health care; the opportunity to tell their story in a dignified environment; compensation; restitution of lost homes, livelihood and property; guarantees that the crimes committed against them are not repeated; and forms of satisfaction such as restoration of their dignity and reputation and a public acknowledgement of the harm they have suffered.
In short, women's fundamental right to freedom from all forms of violence both in peacetime and during conflict has to be protected, respected and fulfilled by the international community, governments, those in positions of influence, organizations and every member of civil society.
  (Read the full report hereCollege of Social Work, Nirmala Niketan 38, New Marine Lines, Mumbai 400020)

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